Chapter 30 The Pensieve

The door of the office opened. â€Å"Hello, Potter,† said Moody. â€Å"Come in, then.† Harry walked inside. He had been inside Dumbledore's office once before; it was a very beautiful, circular room, lined with pictures of previous headmasters and headmistresses of Hogwarts, all of whom were fast asleep, their chests rising and falling gently. Cornelius Fudge was standing beside Dumbledore's desk, wearing his usual pinstriped cloak and holding his lime-green bowler hat. â€Å"Harry!† said Fudge jovially, moving forward. â€Å"How are you?† â€Å"Fine,† Harry lied. â€Å"We were just talking about the night when Mr. Crouch turned up on the grounds,† said Fudge. â€Å"It was you who found him, was it not?† â€Å"Yes,† said Harry. Then, feeling it was pointless to pretend that he hadn't overheard what they had been saying, he added, â€Å"I didn't see Madame Maxime anywhere, though, and she'd have a job hiding, wouldn't she?† Dumbledore smiled at Harry behind Fudge's back, his eyes twinkling. â€Å"Yes, well,† said Fudge, looking embarrassed, â€Å"we're about to go for a short walk on the grounds, Harry, if you'll excuse us†¦perhaps if you just go back to your class -â€Å" â€Å"I wanted to talk to you. Professor,† Harry said quickly, looking at Dumbledore, who gave him a swift, searching look. â€Å"Wait here for me, Harry,† he said. â€Å"Our examination of the grounds will not take long.† They trooped out in silence past him and closed the door. After a minute or so, Harry heard the clunks of Moody's wooden leg growing fainter in the corridor below. He looked around. â€Å"Hello, Fawkes,† he said. Fawkes, Professor Dumbledore's phoenix, was standing on his golden perch beside the door. The size of a swan, with magnificent scarlet-and-gold plumage, he swished his long tail and blinked benignly at Harry. Harry sat down in a chair in front of Dumbledore's desk. For several minutes, he sat and watched the old headmasters and headmistresses snoozing in their frames, thinking about what he had just heard, and running his fingers over his scar. It had stopped hurting now. He felt much calmer, somehow, now that he was in Dumbledore's office, knowing he would shortly be telling him about the dream. Harry looked up at the walls behind the desk. The patched and ragged Sorting Hat was standing on a shelf. A glass case next to it held a magnificent silver sword with large rubies set into the hilt, which Harry recognized as the one he himself had pulled out of the Sorting Hat in his second year. The sword had once belonged to Godric Gryffindor, founder of Harry's House. He was gazing at it, remembering how it had come to his aid when he had thought all hope was lost, when he noticed a patch of silvery light, dancing and shimmering on the glass case. He looked around for the source of the light and saw a sliver of silver-white shining brightly from within a black cabinet behind him, whose door had not been closed properly. Harry hesitated, glanced at Fawkes, then got up, walked across the office, and pulled open the cabinet door. A shallow stone basin lay there, with odd carvings around the edge: runes and symbols that Harry did not recognize. The silvery light was coming from the basin's contents, which were like nothing Harry had ever seen before. He could not tell whether the substance was liquid or gas. It was a bright, whitish silver, and it was moving ceaselessly; the surface of it became ruffled like water beneath wind, and then, like clouds, separated and swirled smoothly. It looked like light made liquid – or like wind made solid – Harry couldn't make up his mind. He wanted to touch it, to find out what it felt like, but nearly four years' experience of the magical world told him that sticking his hand into a bowl full of some unknown substance was a very stupid thing to do. He therefore pulled his wand out of the inside of his robes, cast a nervous look around the office, looked back at the contents of the basin, and prodded them. The surface of the silvery stuff inside the basin began to swirl very fast. Harry bent closer, his head right inside the cabinet. The silvery substance had become transparent; it looked like glass. He looked down into it expecting to see the stone bottom of the basin – and saw instead an enormous room below the surface of the mysterious substance, a room into which he seemed to be looking through a circular window in the ceiling. The room was dimly lit; he thought it might even be underground, for there were no windows, merely torches in brackets such as the ones that illuminated the walls of Hogwarts. Lowering his face so that his nose was a mere inch away from the glassy substance, Harry saw that rows and rows of witches and wizards were seated around every wall on what seemed to be benches rising in levels. An empty chair stood in the very center of the room. There was something about the chair that gave Harry an ominous feeling. Chains encircled the arms of it, as though its occupants were usually tied to it. Where was this place? It surely wasn't Hogwarts; he had never seen a room like that here in the castle. Moreover, the crowd in the mysterious room at the bottom of the basin was comprised of adults, and Harry knew there were not nearly that many teachers at Hogwarts. They seemed, he thought, to be waiting for something; even though he could only see the tops of their hats, all of their faces seemed to be pointing in one direction, and none of them were talking to one another. The basin being circular, and the room he was observing square, Harry could not make out what was going on in the corners of it. He leaned even closer, tilting his head, trying to see†¦ The tip of his nose touched the strange substance into which he was staring. Dumbledore's office gave an almighty lurch – Harry was thrown forward and pitched headfirst into the substance inside the basin – But his head did not hit the stone bottom. He was falling through something icy-cold and black; it was like being sucked into a dark whirlpool – And suddenly, Harry found himself sitting on a bench at the end of the room inside the basin, a bench raised high above the others. He looked up at the high stone ceiling, expecting to see the circular window through which he had just been staring, but there was nothing there but dark, solid stone. Breathing hard and fast. Harry looked around him. Not one of the witches and wizards in the room (and there were at least two hundred of them) was looking at him. Not one of them seemed to have noticed that a fourteen-year-old boy had just dropped from the ceiling into their midst. Harry turned to the wizard next to him on the bench and uttered a loud cry of surprise that reverberated around the silent room. He was sitting right next to Albus Dumbledore. â€Å"Professor!† Harry said in a kind of strangled whisper. â€Å"I'm sorry – I didn't mean to – I was just looking at that basin in your cabinet – I – where are we?† But Dumbledore didn't move or speak. He ignored Harry completely. Like every other wizard on the benches, he was staring into the far corner of the room, where there was a door. Harry gazed, nonplussed, at Dumbledore, then around at the silently watchful crowd, then back at Dumbledore. And then it dawned on him†¦. Once before. Harry had found himself somewhere that nobody could see or hear him. That time, he had fallen through a page in an enchanted diary, right into somebody else's memory†¦and unless he was very much mistaken, something of the sort had happened again†¦ Harry raised his right hand, hesitated, and then waved it energetically in from of Dumbledore's face. Dumbledore did not blink, look around at Harry, or indeed move at all. And that, in Harry's opinion, settled the matter. Dumbledore wouldn't ignore him like that. He was inside a memory, and this was not the present-day Dumbledore. Yet it couldn't be that long ago†¦the Dumbledore sitting next to him now was silver-haired, just like the present-day Dumbledore. But what was this place? What were all these wizards waiting for? Harry looked around more carefully. The room, as he had suspected when observing it from above, was almost certainly underground – more of a dungeon than a room, he thought. There was a bleak and forbidding air about the place; there were no pictures on the walls, no decorations at all; just these serried rows of benches, rising in levels all around the room, all positioned so that they had a clear view of that chair with the chains on its arms. Before Harry could reach any conclusions about the place in which they were, he heard footsteps. The door in the corner of the dungeon opened and three people entered – or at least one man, flanked by two dementors. Harry's insides went cold. The dementors – tall, hooded creatures whose faces were concealed – were gliding slowly toward the chair in the center of the room, each grasping one of the man's arms with their dead and rotten-looking hands. The man between them looked as though he was about to faint, and Harry couldn't blame him†¦he knew the dementors could not touch him inside a memory, but he remembered their power only too well. The watching crowd recoiled slightly as the dementors placed the man in the chained chair and glided back out of the room. The door swung shut behind them. Harry looked down at the man now sitting in the chair and saw that it was Karkaroff. Unlike Dumbledore, Karkaroff looked much younger; his hair and goatee were black. He was not dressed in sleek furs, but in thin and ragged robes. He was shaking. Even as Harry watched, the chains on the arms of the chair glowed suddenly gold and snaked their way up Karkaroff's arms, binding him there. â€Å"Igor Karkaroff,† said a curt voice to Harry's left. Harry looked around and saw Mr. Crouch standing up in the middle of the bench beside him. Crouch's hair was dark, his face was much less lined, he looked fit and alert. â€Å"You have been brought from Azkaban to present evidence to the Ministry of Magic. You have given us to understand that you have important information for us.† Karkaroff straightened himself as best he could, tightly bound to the chair. â€Å"I have, sir,† he said, and although his voice was very scared, Harry could still hear the familiar unctuous note in it. â€Å"I wish to be of use to the Ministry. I wish to help. I – I know that the Ministry is trying to – to round up the last of the Dark Lords supporters. I am eager to assist in any way I can†¦.† There was a murmur around the benches. Some of the wizards and witches were surveying Karkaroff with interest, others with pronounced mistrust. Then Harry heard, quite distinctly, from Dumbledores other side, a familiar, growling voice saying, â€Å"Filth.† Harry leaned forward so that he could see past Dumbledore. Mad-Eye Moody was sitting there – except that there was a very noticeable difference in his appearance. He did not have his magical eye, but two normal ones. Both were looking down upon Karkaroff, and both were narrowed in intense dislike. â€Å"Crouch is going to let him out,† Moody breathed quietly to Dumbledore. â€Å"He's done a deal with him. Took me six months to track him down, and Crouch is going to let him go if he's got enough new names. Let's hear his information, I say, and throw him straight back to the dementors.† Dumbledore made a small noise of dissent through his long, crooked nose. â€Å"Ah, I was forgetting†¦you don't like the dementors, do you, Albus?† said Moody with a sardonic smile. â€Å"No,† said Dumbledore calmly, â€Å"I'm afraid I don't. I have long felt the Ministry is wrong to ally itself with such creatures.† â€Å"But for filth like this†¦Ã¢â‚¬  Moody said softly. â€Å"You say you have names for us, Karkaroff,† said Mr. Crouch. â€Å"Let us hear them, please.† â€Å"You must understand,† said Karkaroff hurriedly, â€Å"that He-Who-Must-Not-Be-Named operated always in the greatest secrecy†¦.He preferred that we – I mean to say, his supporters – and I regret now, very deeply, that I ever counted myself among them -â€Å" â€Å"Get on with it,† sneered Moody. â€Å"- we never knew the names of every one of our fellows – He alone knew exactly who we all were -â€Å" â€Å"Which was a wise move, wasn't it, as it prevented someone like you, Karkaroff, from turning all of them in,† muttered Moody. â€Å"Yet you say you have some names for us?† said Mr. Crouch. â€Å"I – I do,† said Karkaroff breathlessly. â€Å"And these were important supporters, mark you. People I saw with my own eyes doing his bidding. I give this information as a sign that I fully and totally renounce him, and am filled with a remorse so deep I can barely -â€Å" â€Å"These names are?† said Mr. Crouch sharply. Karkaroff drew a deep breath. â€Å"There was Antonin Dolohov,† he said. â€Å"I – I saw him torture countless Muggles and – and non-supporters of the Dark Lord.† â€Å"And helped him do it,† murmured Moody. â€Å"We have already apprehended Dolohov,† said Crouch. â€Å"He was caught shortly after yourself.† â€Å"Indeed?† said Karkaroff, his eyes widening. â€Å"I – I am delighted to hear it!† But he didn't look it. Harry could tell that this news had come as a real blow to him. One of his names was worthless. â€Å"Any others?† said Crouch coldly. â€Å"Why, yes†¦there was Rosier,† said Karkaroff hurriedly. â€Å"Evan Rosier.† â€Å"Rosier is dead,† said Crouch. â€Å"He was caught shortly after you were too. He preferred to fight rather than come quietly and was killed in the struggle.† â€Å"Took a bit of me with him, though,† whispered Moody to Harry's right. Harry looked around at him once more, and saw him indicating the large chunk out of his nose to Dumbledore. â€Å"No – no more than Rosier deserved!† said Karkaroff, a real note of panic in his voice now. Harry could see that he was starting to worry that none of his information would be of any use to the Ministry. Karkaroff's eyes darted toward the door in the corner, behind which the dementors undoubtedly still stood, waiting. â€Å"Any more?† said Crouch. â€Å"Yes!† said Karkaroff. â€Å"There was Travers – he helped murder the McKinnons! Mulciber – he specialized in the Imperius Curse, forced countless people to do horrific things! Rookwood, who was a spy, and passed He-Who-Must-Not-Be-Named useful information from inside the Ministry itself!† Harry could tell that, this time, Karkaroff had struck gold. The watching crowd was all murmuring together. â€Å"Rookwood?† said Mr. Crouch, nodding to a witch sitting in front of him, who began scribbling upon her piece of parchment. â€Å"Augustus Rookwood of the Department of Mysteries?† â€Å"The very same,† said Karkaroff eagerly. â€Å"I believe he used a network of well-placed wizards, both inside the Ministry and out, to collect information -â€Å" â€Å"But Travers and Mulciber we have,† said Mr. Crouch. â€Å"Very well, Karkaroff, if that is all, you will be returned to Azkaban while we decide -â€Å" â€Å"Not yet!† cried Karkaroff, looking quite desperate. â€Å"Wait, I have more!† Harry could see him sweating in the torchlight, his white skin contrasting strongly with the black of his hair and beard. â€Å"Snape!† he shouted. â€Å"Severus Snape!† â€Å"Snape has been cleared by this council,† said Crouch disdainfully. â€Å"He has been vouched for by Albus Dumbledore.† â€Å"No!† shouted Karkaroff, straining at the chains that bound him to the chair. â€Å"I assure you! Severus Snape is a Death Eater!† Dumbledore had gotten to his feet. â€Å"I have given evidence already on this matter,† he said calmly. â€Å"Severus Snape was indeed a Death Eater. However, he rejoined our side before Lord Voldemort's downfall and turned spy for us, at great personal risk. He is now no more a Death Eater than I am.† Harry turned to look at Mad-Eye Moody. He was wearing a look of deep skepticism behind Dumbledore's back. â€Å"Very well, Karkaroff,† Crouch said coldly, â€Å"you have been of assistance. I shall review your case. You will return to Azkaban in the meantime†¦.† Mr. Crouch's voice faded. Harry looked around; the dungeon was dissolving as though it were made of smoke; everything was fading; he could see only his own body – all else was swirling darkness†¦. And then, the dungeon returned. Harry was sitting in a different seat, still on the highest bench, but now to the left side of Mr. Crouch. The atmosphere seemed quite different: relaxed, even cheerful. The witches and wizards all around the walls were talking to one another, almost as though they were at some sort of sporting event. Harry noticed a witch halfway up the rows of benches opposite. She had short blonde hair, was wearing magenta robes, and was sucking the end of an acid-green quill. It was, unmistakably, a younger Rita Skeeter. Harry looked around; Dumbledore was sitting beside him again, wearing different robes. Mr. Crouch looked more tired and somehow fiercer, gaunter†¦.Harry understood. It was a different memory, a different day†¦a different trial. The door in the corner opened, and Ludo Bagman walked into the room. This was not, however, a Ludo Bagman gone to seed, but a Ludo Bagman who was clearly at the height of his Quidditch-playing fitness. His nose wasn't broken now; he was tall and lean and muscular. Bagman looked nervous as he sat down in the chained chair, but it did not bind him there as it had bound Karkaroff, and Bagman, perhaps taking heart from this, glanced around at the watching crowd, waved at a couple of them, and managed a small smile. â€Å"Ludo Bagman, you have been brought here in front of the Council of Magical Law to answer charges relating to the activities of the Death Eaters,† said Mr. Crouch. â€Å"We have heard the evidence against you, and are about to reach our verdict. Do you have anything to add to your testimony before we pronounce judgment?† Harry couldn't believe his ears. Ludo Bagman, a Death Eater? â€Å"Only,† said Bagman, smiling awkwardly, â€Å"well – I know I've been a bit of an idiot -â€Å" One or two wizards and witches in the surrounding seats smiled indulgently. Mr. Crouch did not appear to share their feelings. He was staring down at Ludo Bagman with an expression of the utmost severity and dislike. â€Å"You never spoke a truer word, boy,† someone muttered dryly to Dumbledore behind Harry. He looked around and saw Moody sitting there again. â€Å"If I didn't know he'd always been dim, I'd have said some of those Bludgers had permanently affected his brain†¦.† â€Å"Ludovic Bagman, you were caught passing information to Lord Voldemort's supporters,† said Mr. Crouch. â€Å"For this, I suggest a term of imprisonment in Azkaban lasting no less than -â€Å" But there was an angry outcry from the surrounding benches. Several of the witches and wizards around the walls stood up, shaking their heads, and even their fists, at Mr. Crouch. â€Å"But I've told you, I had no idea!† Bagman called earnestly over the crowd's babble, his round blue eyes widening. â€Å"None at all! Old Rookwood was a friend of my dad's†¦never crossed my mind he was in with You-Know-Who! I thought I was collecting information for our side! And Rookwood kept talking about getting me a job in the Ministry later on†¦once my Quidditch days are over, you know†¦I mean, I can't keep getting hit by Bludgers for the rest of my life, can I?† There were titters from the crowd. â€Å"It will be put to the vote,† said Mr. Crouch coldly. He turned to the right-hand side of the dungeon. â€Å"The jury will please raise their hands†¦those in favor of imprisonment†¦Ã¢â‚¬  Harry looked toward the right-hand side of the dungeon. Not one person raised their hand. Many of the witches and wizards around the walls began to clap. One of the witches on the jury stood up. â€Å"Yes?† barked Crouch. â€Å"We'd just like to congratulate Mr. Bagman on his splendid performance for England in the Quidditch match against Turkey last Saturday,† the witch said breathlessly. Mr. Crouch looked furious. The dungeon was ringing with applause now. Bagman got to his feet and bowed, beaming. â€Å"Despicable,† Mr. Crouch spat at Dumbledore, sitting down as Bagman walked out of the dungeon. â€Å"Rookwood get him a job indeed†¦.The day Ludo Bagman joins us will be a sad day indeed for the Ministry†¦.† And the dungeon dissolved again. When it had returned, Harry looked around. He and Dumbledore were still sitting beside Mr. Crouch, but the atmosphere could not have been more different. There was total silence, broken only by the dry sobs of a frail, wispy-looking witch in the seat next to Mr. Crouch. She was clutching a handkerchief to her mouth with trembling hands. Harry looked up at Crouch and saw that he looked gaunter and grayer than ever before. A nerve was twitching in his temple. â€Å"Bring them in,† he said, and his voice echoed through the silent dungeon. The door in the corner opened yet again. Six dementors entered this time, flanking a group of four people. Harry saw the people in the crowd turn to look up at Mr. Crouch. A few of them whispered to one another. The dementors placed each of the four people in the four chairs with chained arms that now stood on the dungeon floor. There was a thickset man who stared blankly up at Crouch; a thinner and more nervous-looking man, whose eyes were darting around the crowd; a woman with thick, shining dark hair and heavily hooded eyes, who was sitting in the chained chair as though it were a throne; and a boy in his late teens, who looked nothing short of petrified. He was shivering, his straw-colored hair all over his face, his freckled skin milk-white. The wispy little witch beside Crouch began to rock backward and forward in her seat, whimpering into her handkerchief. Crouch stood up. He looked down upon the four in front of him, and there was pure hatred in his face. â€Å"You have been brought here before the Council of Magical Law,† he said clearly, â€Å"so that we may pass judgment on you, for a crime so heinous -â€Å" â€Å"Father,† said the boy with the straw-colored hair. â€Å"Father†¦please†¦Ã¢â‚¬  â€Å"- that we have rarely heard the like of it within this court,† said Crouch, speaking more loudly, drowning out his son's voice. â€Å"We have heard the evidence against you. The four of you stand accused of capturing an Auror – Frank Longbottom – and subjecting him to the Cruciatus Curse, believing him to have knowledge of the present whereabouts of your exiled master, He-Who-Must-Not-Be-Named -â€Å" â€Å"Father, I didn't!† shrieked the boy in chains below. â€Å"I didn't, I swear it. Father, don't send me back to the dementors -â€Å" â€Å"You are further accused,† bellowed Mr. Crouch, â€Å"of using the Cruciatus Curse on Frank Longbottom's wife, when he would not give you information. You planned to restore He-Who-Must-Not-Be-Named to power, and to resume the lives of violence you presumably led while he was strong. I now ask the jury -â€Å" â€Å"Mother!† screamed the boy below, and the wispy little witch beside Crouch began to sob, rocking backward and forward. â€Å"Mother, stop him. Mother, I didn't do it, it wasn't me!† â€Å"I now ask the jury,† shouted Mr. Crouch, â€Å"to raise their hands if they believe, as I do, that these crimes deserve a life sentence in Azkaban!† In unison, the witches and wizards along the right-hand side of the dungeon raised their hands. The crowd around the walls began to clap as it had for Bagman, their faces full of savage triumph. The boy began to scream. â€Å"No! Mother, no! I didn't do it, I didn't do it, I didn't know! Don't send me there, don't let him!† The dementors were gliding back into the room. The boys' three companions rose quietly from their seats; the woman with the heavy-lidded eyes looked up at Crouch and called, â€Å"The Dark Lord will rise again, Crouch! Throw us into Azkaban; we will wait! He will rise again and will come for us, he will reward us beyond any of his other supporters! We alone were faithful! We alone tried to find him!† But the boy was trying to fight off the dementors, even though Harry could see their cold, draining power starting to affect him. The crowd was jeering, some of them on their feet, as the woman swept out of the dungeon, and the boy continued to struggle. â€Å"I'm your son!† he screamed up at Crouch. â€Å"I'm your son!† â€Å"You are no son of mine!† bellowed Mr. Crouch, his eyes bulging suddenly. â€Å"I have no son!† The wispy witch beside him gave a great gasp and slumped in her seat. She had fainted. Crouch appeared not to have noticed. â€Å"Take them away!† Crouch roared at the dementors, spit flying from his mouth. â€Å"Take them away, and may they rot there!† â€Å"Father! Father, I wasn't involved! No! No! Father, please!† â€Å"I think. Harry, it is time to return to my office,† said a quiet voice in Harry's ear. Harry started. He looked around. Then he looked on his other side. There was an Albus Dumbledore sitting on his right, watching Crouch's son being dragged away by the dementors – and there was an Albus Dumbledore on his left, looking right at him. â€Å"Come,† said the Dumbledore on his left, and he put his hand under Harry's elbow. Harry felt himself rising into the air; the dungeon dissolved around him; for a moment, all was blackness, and then he felt as though he had done a slow-motion somersault, suddenly landing flat on his feet, in what seemed like the dazzling light of Dumbledore's sunlit office. The stone basin was shimmering in the cabinet in front of him, and Albus Dumbledore was standing beside him. â€Å"Professor,† Harry gasped, â€Å"I know I shouldn't've – I didn't mean – the cabinet door was sort of open and -â€Å" â€Å"I quite understand,† said Dumbledore. He lifted the basin, carried it over to his desk, placed it upon the polished top, and sat down in the chair behind it. He motioned for Harry to sit down opposite him. Harry did so, staring at the stone basin. The contents had returned to their original, silvery-white state, swirling and rippling beneath his gaze. â€Å"What is it?† Harry asked shakily. â€Å"This? It is called a Pensieve,† said Dumbledore. â€Å"I sometimes find, and I am sure you know the feeling, that I simply have too many thoughts and memories crammed into my mind.† â€Å"Er,† said Harry, who couldn't truthfully say that he had ever felt anything of the sort. â€Å"At these times,† said Dumbledore, indicating the stone basin, â€Å"I use the Pensieve. One simply siphons the excess thoughts from one's mind, pours them into the basin, and examines them at one's leisure. It becomes easier to spot patterns and links, you understand, when they are in this form.† â€Å"You mean†¦that stuff's your thoughts?† Harry said, staring at the swirling white substance in the basin. â€Å"Certainly,† said Dumbledore. â€Å"Let me show you.† Dumbledore drew his wand out of the inside of his robes and placed the tip into his own silvery hair, near his temple. When he took the wand away, hair seemed to be clinging to it – but then Harry saw that it was in fact a glistening strand of the same strange silvery-white substance that filled the Pensieve. Dumbledore added this fresh thought to the basin, and Harry, astonished, saw his own face swimming around the surface of the bowl. Dumbledore placed his long hands on either side of the Pensieve and swirled it, rather as a gold prospector would pan for fragments of gold†¦.and Harry saw his own face change smoothly into Snape's, who opened his mouth and spoke to the ceiling, his voice echoing slightly. â€Å"It's coming back†¦Karkaroff's too†¦stronger and clearer than ever†¦Ã¢â‚¬  â€Å"A connection I could have made without assistance,† Dumbledore sighed, â€Å"but never mind.† He peered over the top of his half-moon spectacles at Harry, who was gaping at Snape's face, which was continuing to swirl around the bowl. â€Å"I was using the Pensieve when Mr. Fudge arrived for our meeting and put it away rather hastily. Undoubtedly I did not fasten the cabinet door properly. Naturally, it would have attracted your attention.† â€Å"I'm sorry,† Harry mumbled. Dumbledore shook his head. â€Å"Curiosity is not a sin,† he said. â€Å"But we should exercise caution with our curiosity†¦yes, indeed†¦Ã¢â‚¬  Frowning slightly, he prodded the thoughts within the basin with the tip of his wand. Instantly, a figure rose out of it, a plump, scowling girl of about sixteen, who began to revolve slowly, with her feet still in the basin. She took no notice whatsoever of Harry or Professor Dumbledore. When she spoke, her voice echoed as Snape's had done, as though it were coming from the depths of the stone basin. â€Å"He put a hex on me, Professor Dumbledore, and I was only teasing him, sir, I only said I'd seen him kissing Florence behind the greenhouses last Thursday†¦.† â€Å"But why. Bertha,† said Dumbledore sadly, looking up at the now silently revolving girl, â€Å"why did you have to follow him in the first place?† â€Å"Bertha?† Harry whispered, looking up at her. â€Å"Is that – was that Bertha Jorkins?† â€Å"Yes,† said Dumbledore, prodding the thoughts in the basin again; Bertha sank back into them, and they became silvery and opaque once more. â€Å"That was Bertha as I remember her at school.† The silvery light from the Pensieve illuminated Dumbledore's face, and it struck Harry suddenly how very old he was looking. He knew, of course, that Dumbledore was getting on in years, but somehow he never really thought of Dumbledore as an old man. â€Å"So, Harry,† said Dumbledore quietly. â€Å"Before you got lost in my thoughts, you wanted to tell me something.† â€Å"Yes,† said Harry. â€Å"Professor – I was in Divination just now, and – er – I fell asleep.† He hesitated here, wondering if a reprimand was coming, but Dumbledore merely said, â€Å"Quite understandable. Continue.† â€Å"Well, I had a dream,† said Harry. â€Å"A dream about Lord Voldemort. He was torturing Wormtail†¦you know who Wormtail-â€Å" â€Å"I do know,† said Dumbledore promptly. â€Å"Please continue.† â€Å"Voldemort got a letter from an owl. He said something like, Wormtail's blunder had been repaired. He said someone was dead. Then he said, Wormtail wouldn't be fed to the snake – there was a snake beside his chair. He said – he said he'd be feeding me to it, instead. Then he did the Cruciatus Curse on Wormtail – and my scar hurt,† Harry said. â€Å"It woke me up, it hurt so badly.† Dumbledore merely looked at him. â€Å"Er – that's all,† said Harry. â€Å"I see,† said Dumbledore quietly. â€Å"I see. Now, has your scar hurt at any other time this year, excepting the time it woke you up over the summer?† â€Å"No, I – how did you know it woke me up over the summer?† said Harry, astonished. â€Å"You are not Sirius's only correspondent,† said Dumbledore. â€Å"I have also been in contact with him ever since he left Hogwarts last year. It was I who suggested the mountainside cave as the safest place for him to stay.† Dumbledore got up and began walking up and down behind his desk. Every now and then, he placed his wand tip to his temple, removed another shining silver thought, and added it to the Pensieve. The thoughts inside began to swirl so fast that Harry couldn't make out anything clearly: It was merely a blur of color. â€Å"Professor?† he said quietly, after a couple of minutes. Dumbledore stopped pacing and looked at Harry. â€Å"My apologies,† he said quietly. He sat back down at his desk. â€Å"D'you – d'you know why my scar's hurting me?† Dumbledore looked very intently at Harry for a moment, and then said, â€Å"I have a theory, no more than that†¦.It is my belief that your scar hurts both when Lord Voldemort is near you, and when he is feeling a particularly strong surge of hatred.† â€Å"But†¦why?† â€Å"Because you and he are connected by the curse that failed,† said Dumbledore. â€Å"That is no ordinary scar.† â€Å"So you think†¦that dream†¦did it really happen?† â€Å"It is possible,† said Dumbledore. â€Å"I would say – probable. Harry – did you see Voldemort?† â€Å"No,† said Harry. â€Å"Just the back of his chair. But – there wouldn't have been anything to see, would there? I mean, he hasn't got a body, has he? But†¦but then how could he have held the wand?† Harry said slowly. â€Å"How indeed?† muttered Dumbledore. â€Å"How indeed†¦Ã¢â‚¬  Neither Dumbledore nor Harry spoke for a while. Dumbledore was gazing across the room, and, every now and then, placing his wand tip to his temple and adding another shining silver thought to the seething mass within the Pensieve. â€Å"Professor,† Harry said at last, â€Å"do you think he's getting stronger?† â€Å"Voldemort?† said Dumbledore, looking at Harry over the Pensieve. It was the characteristic, piercing look Dumbledore had given him on other occasions, and always made Harry feel as though Dumbledore were seeing right through him in a way that even Moody's magical eye could not. â€Å"Once again. Harry, I can only give you my suspicions.† Dumbledore sighed again, and he looked older, and wearier, than ever. â€Å"The years of Voldemort's ascent to power,† he said, â€Å"were marked with disappearances. Bertha Jorkins has vanished without a trace in the place where Voldemort was certainly known to be last. Mr. Crouch too has disappeared†¦within these very grounds. And there was a third disappearance, one which the Ministry, I regret to say, do not consider of any importance, for it concerns a Muggle. His name was Frank Bryce, he lived in the village where Voldemort's father grew up, and he has not been seen since last August. You see, I read the Muggle newspapers, unlike most of my Ministry friends.† Dumbledore looked very seriously at Harry. â€Å"These disappearances seem to me to be linked. The Ministry disagrees – as you may have heard, while waiting outside my office.† Harry nodded. Silence fell between them again, Dumbledore extracting thoughts every now and then. Harry felt as though he ought to go, but his curiosity held him in his chair. â€Å"Professor?† he said again. â€Å"Yes, Harry?† said Dumbledore. â€Å"Er†¦could I ask you about†¦that court thing I was in†¦in the Pensieve?† â€Å"You could,† said Dumbledore heavily. â€Å"I attended it many times, but some trials come back to me more clearly than others†¦particularly now†¦.† â€Å"You know – you know the trial you found me in? The one with Crouch's son? Well†¦.were they talking about Neville's parents?† Dumbledore gave Harry a very sharp look. † Has Neville never told you why he has been brought up by his grandmother?† he said. Harry shook his head, wondering, as he did so, how he could have failed to ask Neville this, in almost four years of knowing him. â€Å"Yes, they were talking about Neville's parents,† said Dumbledore. â€Å"His father, Frank, was an Auror just like Professor Moody. He and his wife were tortured for information about Voldemort's whereabouts after he lost his powers, as you heard.† â€Å"So they're dead?† said Harry quietly. â€Å"No,† said Dumbledore, his voice full of a bitterness Harry had never heard there before. â€Å"They are insane. They are both in St. Mungo's Hospital for Magical Maladies and Injuries. I believe Neville visits them, with his grandmother, during the holidays. They do not recognize him.† Harry sat there, horror-struck. He had never known†¦never, in four years, bothered to find out†¦ â€Å"The Longbottoms were very popular,† said Dumbledore. â€Å"The attacks on them came after Voldemort's fall from power, just when everyone thought they were safe. Those attacks caused a wave of fury such as I have never known. The Ministry was under great pressure to catch those who had done it. Unfortunately, the Longbottoms' evidence was – given their condition – none too reliable.† â€Å"Then Mr. Crouch's son might not have been involved?† said Harry slowly. Dumbledore shook his head. â€Å"As to that, I have no idea.† Harry sat in silence once more, watching the contents of the Pensieve swirl. There were two more questions he was burning to ask†¦but they concerned the guilt of living people†¦. â€Å"Er,† he said, â€Å"Mr. Bagman†¦.† â€Å"†¦has never been accused of any Dark activity since,† said Dumbledore calmly. â€Å"Right,† said Harry hastily, staring at the contents of the Pensieve again, which were swirling more slowly now that Dumbledore had stopped adding thoughts. â€Å"And†¦er†¦Ã¢â‚¬  But the Pensieve seemed to be asking his question for him. Snape's face was swimming on the surface again. Dumbledore glanced down into it, and then up at Harry. â€Å"No more has Professor Snape,† he said. Harry looked into Dumbledore's light blue eyes, and the thing he really wanted to know spilled out of his mouth before he could stop it. â€Å"What made you think he'd really stopped supporting Voldemort, Professor?† Dumbledore held Harry's gaze for a few seconds, and then said, â€Å"That, Harry, is a matter between Professor Snape and myself.† Harry knew that the interview was over; Dumbledore did not look angry, yet there was a finality in his tone that told Harry it was time to go. He stood up, and so did Dumbledore. â€Å"Harry,† he said as Harry reached the door. â€Å"Please do not speak about Neville's parents to anybody else. He has the right to let people know, when he is ready.† â€Å"Yes, Professor,† said Harry, turning to go. â€Å"And-â€Å" Harry looked back. Dumbledore was standing over the Pensieve, his face lit from beneath by its silvery spots of light, looking older than ever. He stared at Harry for a moment, and then said, â€Å"Good luck with the third task.†

Facquier Gas Company Essay

The case study link is provided below for the Case Study 2 Facquier Gas Company. Read and study the case and complete the questions at the end of the study. Use the case study outline below to assist you with your analysis. Questions should be answered using case study format. Ensure that you adequately explain the problem, describe alternative solutions and justify your recommendation. This exercise should be able to be completed in approximately 3-6 doubled space pages. Attached completed Case Study #2 as a MS Word document in the assignment area of the classroom – Mr. Murphy, the manager of supply management is responsible for procurement for Fauquier Gas Company. Mr. Murphy specializes in the procurement of materials used in gas distribution such as pipe, meters, fittings, furniture systems and forms, stores management, and materials forecasting and control. A situation has occurred when it has come to the attention of Mr. Murphy that he has understood that Clive Byers, the construction project manager is working on adding an extra 3  ½ miles of new gas lines for the Fauquier Gas Company. Mr Murphy has a few concerns about the procedures and the pipe specification. Mr. Murphy is asking a â€Å"purchase request† from Byers to be sent in good time as the lead time can slow the project down, thus wasting money and time. This requires getting quotations, contacting suppliers and delivery times and it looks like Byers schedule does not give Mr. Murphy enough time to ensure the procedures are carried out correctly. The process also involved ensuring that the purchase request is approved by two units, the design engineer Pat Wilson for approval and the pipe specification Sam Law. Mr.  Murphy contacted Pat Wilson regarding the pipe specification of the standard wall thickness of â€Å"3/4 inches and 37 feet long had changed to 3/8 inches and 40 feet plus or minus 5 feet.† (Hood, J.) Murphy was concerned when Wilson stated that the project would be â€Å"governed by less stringent specifications if the wall thickness was 3/4 inches† and also that Wilson did not get the specifications for the wrappers to be applied to the pipe and stated that â€Å"Fauquier had used two types of wrappers—coal tar and pry-tech.† (Hood.) Murphy is the manager of supply management is responsible for procurement for Fauquier Gas Company and has every right to question Clive Byers actions. Mr. Murphy has identified that there is a problem with the pipe specifications, as â€Å"specifications and standardization play important roles in the search for the right quality and the right value.† (Burt.2009) Murphy is concerned that this deviation in in size and length of the gas pipe could potentially cause conflicts in â€Å"engineering, manufacturing, marketing, and supply management.† (Burt.2009) I can identify that there is a problem with communication, lack or procedures and Byers seems to working on his own instead of being part of a cross functional team. The process of building pipe lines requires several teams to approve piping specifications and design, Byers seems to be misunderstanding of the company’s procedures and standards and is not meeting the standard piping specifications and is lowering the standards of Fauquier by taking less stringent specifications for the new piping. The wall thickness is an issue and the length of pipe might cause problems in construction and Murphy’s role as a supply manager is important that all materials meet the â€Å"specifications and standards set by the company, they must be â€Å"functional, precise and complete.† (Burt.2009) If the pipe is substandard and an accident occurs, life and property could be at risk, this would definitely cause a dispute between â€Å"the purchaser and the supplier.† Mr Murphy would have have gone through the correct procurement procedures to seek a supplier and settle a contract. Mr Murphy’s job is to make sure the buying policies and practise I would recommend that Murphy contact Mr. Charlie Buck, the design superintendent of Fauquier in a timely manner to make sure that the change of specifications is acceptable and or to make the management aware that the piping standard is being reduced. Mr Buck needs to improve the communication and team work, this  could be sorted by more meetings regarding procedures or training. There is a time management issue by Clive Byers, as he clearly doesn’t understand that purchase request may have lengthy lead time which could potentially slow down the business processes. This needs to be addressed by upper management to make sure that Byers submits the purchase request in a timely manner, as he is now potential adding weeks to the project. I would recommend that Mr. Buck rejects the change of change of specifications, a management meeting would then be required to ensure that all upper / middle management understand that specifications and requesting a purchase order in a timely manner is essential to the success of Fauquier. Failing to comply with the piping specifications could cost the company millions of dollars in down time and could cause a potential danger and health hazard with a gas leak. The reputation of the company is at risk and Mr Murphy concerns are eligible to raise as a deviation from standard business practise.

Analysis of the Postal Rule

Analysis of the Postal Rule The purpose of this brief is to examine and evaluate the effectiveness and relevance of the Postal rule in the modern context of contract law. Generally, the Postal rule is used to resolve disputes where there is no formal communication received, or it is delayed by post. It is a set of principles that allow the courts to establish that a contract has or has not been formed at a particular point in time, despite the absence of the offeror receiving any formal communication of an offer. Specifically, this brief sets out to examine the aged precedents that the Postal rule relies upon to survive, and analyse them in conjunction with the changing face of communication on a global scale. Finally, it will attempt to recommend a conclusion based upon this discussion, and assess a way forward for the UK jurisdiction, given the increase of use of electronic communication, and the embracing of such means in the community worldwide. The postal rule is an alternative means of accepting an offer . It is a set of rules that govern whenever communication of acceptance has been sent by post, and are used to resolve any disputes where there is doubt as to the effectiveness of the communication of the offer. The general rule that has been adopted under English law in regards to acceptance by post is given by the case of Adams v Lindsell . [1] This case involved the defendants offering to sell wool to the plaintiffs, and asking for a reply by post. The plaintiffs’ letter was delayed in the post, and hence the defendants sold the wool to someone else, believing that the plaintiffs were no longer interested in the deal. However, the court heard that the plaintiffs had sent a letter of reply on the same day they received the offer, and hence the court held that there was an enforceable contract. The principle behind this decision was that a communication of acceptance of an offer becomes valid once it is posted by the offeree, not when it is received and opened by the offer or. This principle allows for a party to still have rights to an enforceable contract even where the procedural matters are delayed beyond their control. It effectively exonerates the offeree from any liability once a letter of acceptance has been posted to the offeror, and places the onus on the offeror to satisfy the procedural requirements of the contract. As was seen in Adams v Lindsell if the offeror does not wait for a reasonable period of time for confirmation, and subsequently disposes of the goods or services, then they may be liable if it so happens that the confirmation arrives at a later stage. Justifications for the Postal Rule A number of justifications for the postal rule of Adams v Lindsell are discussed by Ewan McKendrick in his book, ‘Contract Law’. Firstly, it is argued that the Post Office acts as an agent of the offeree, and hence once the letter is received by an agent, this constitutes valid communication of acceptance. [2] McKendrick says th at this is open to debate, given that the Post Office clearly has no express authority to contract on behalf of the offeree. [3] Secondly, it is argued that given the offeror has chosen to initiate negotiations by post, then the offeror must bear all responsibility associated with the postage of documents relating to the contract. However, this justification has been brought into question by the decision in Henthorn v Fraser , [4] where it was held that the postal rule only applies where it is reasonable to use the post. As McKendrick discusses, the issue of what exactly constitutes a reasonable situation to use the post is questionable, for example, where two parties live a significant distance from one another it may be reasonable to use the post, however it is not necessary to initiate negotiations through the post. [5] It would, therefore, be unlikely that such a justification could be relied upon; given there is uncertainty as to when it becomes reasonable to use the po st. A more solid justification is that an offeree should be able to rely upon the fact that he or she has posted the acceptance, and hence has satisfied his or her procedural duties under the rules governing the formation of a contract. McKendrick says that a better way of viewing the postal rule in light of this justification is that, once the letter is posted, the offeror cannot revoke his offer, rather than the acceptance taking effect once the letter has been sent. [6] It places the onus squarely on the offeror, given that the offeree has complied with all reasonable requests required of him in accepting the offer. However, the general rule discussed in Adams was further elaborated upon and entrenched in the later case of Household Fire and Carriage Accident Insurance Co Ltd v Grant . [7] In this case, it was held that an acceptance of offer communicated by post becomes valid once it has been posted by the offeree, not when it is received and opened by the offeror. This fur ther strengthens the justification that it is the responsibility of the offeror to allow for any delays or mishandlings by the Post Office in regards to any contractual negotiations conducted by post.

Create of arts Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Create of arts - Assignment Example In the movie, Jeff suspects one of his neighbors has murdered his wife and tries to investigate through his rear window. The manner in which events unfold raise the element of suspense. 3. The main theme is that of voyeurism. The main actor is put in a position which is usually left for the viewers, that of watching without being seen. The viewer watches the main actor watching his neighbors. It shows what goes on in the lives of different problems and what they go through. Furthermore, the lengths people go through to solve problems is highlighted. 4. Movies can be approached from a feministic or masculine approach. They can also be analyzed based on the theme, the target audience or focusing on a character among others. The movie ‘Rear Window’ is usually analyzed from a feminist perspective because of the role played by the female. Most characters in the movie are female. The lonely woman who entertains inexistent gentlemen callers, the woman with an active social life, the wife who was murdered, the photographer’s girlfriend and the nurse are some of the main women in film. They play a key role on plot development. 5. Despite the age of the film, it is still very relevant. The concept of murder is very real and so is the fact that one cannot really know their neighbors. The movie can still instill fear and suspense in the viewer. The fact that one of your neighbors could be secretly watching you is also frightening. The film can be made even more frightening with modern technology and special effects. 6. Sigmund Freud was a psychoanalyst credited with many studies about the mind and mental state. Alfred Hitchcock’s movie incorporate several aspects of the Freud’s studies in terms of the lengths people go to and what makes them

Interpersonal Communication Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Interpersonal Communication - Essay Example Efforts should be taken by a person to resist the habit of making his/her own interpretations, which may be excessively wild or painful at times, about any ordinary message, compliment, or note conveyed. Our fake interpretations lead to disastrous misconceptions and chaotic mayhem, to avoid which literal listening is a very reliable tool for making interpersonal communication smooth. In the video â€Å"Acceptable Forms of Shit†, Ms. Choksondik explains to the children how saying the word â€Å"shit† is quite acceptable under some conditions and how it should not be considered a taboo word in the educational systems if used in a non-literal sense while respecting some conditions. The teacher in the video lays stress that the word â€Å"shit† should be used in a non-literal sense, while taking care to avoid using it in a literal sense like â€Å"this is a picture of shit†, which is not acceptable. In an order to avoid any offense that may force some to belie ve that literal listening is not effective, such words as â€Å"shit† must be used non-literally like â€Å"this is a shitty picture of mine.† Ego boundaries are actually formed by a person’s own perceptions regarding where his/her existence ends and the rest of the world begins.

Employment contract law Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Employment contract law - Coursework Example 3. Mr. Tanton initially filed his complaint on September 9, 1997 before the Industrial Tribunal Chairman, sitting alone. 4. The Supreme Court held that Mr. Tanton was self-employed driver. His job was focused mainly on pick-up of newspapers and make deliveries to several addresses based on the instructions of Express and Echo Publications. In the Agreement of Services signed by Mr. Tanton, particularly, Clause 3.3, negates the existence of an employer-employee relationship due to the existence of the provision to the effect that â€Å"In the event that the he is unable or unwilling to perform the services personally as required under such agreement, he shall arrange at his own expense entirely for another suitable person to perform the services. In addition, paragraph 13 of the schedule, stated that: â€Å"In the event that the contractor provides a relief driver, the contractor must satisfy the company that such a relief driver is trained and is suitable to undertake the servicesà ¢â‚¬ . Therefore, the element of control on the part of the employer on the employee was not present since Mr. Tanton can easily find his own replacement or substitute, who shall take his place to render the service in the event that he is unable to perform his personal obligation to the employer. Hence, the fact that Mr. Tanton has the power to send his substitute means that the contract of employment does not exist, making him self-employed contractor. 5. Express and Echo Publications Ltd. is only required to retain one driver to perform the functions of pick-up newspapers and deliver them at various points in Devon on a fixed run in a particular order dictated by the company. In the case at bar, the reason for the termination of Mr. Tanton was due to redundancy. Hence, another person has already been performing the same functions done by Mr. Tanton which justified his dismissal from his position as a contractor. 6. The sources of English Law are case law or common law, and legis lation or statutory laws. In the case at bar, several cases where cited which served as precedent to justify the decision rendered by the justices, where, â€Å"a statement of law made by a judge in a case can become binding on later judges and can in this way become the law for everyone to follow, or otherwise known as the â€Å"Doctrine of Precedent† or â€Å"Doctrine of Stare Decisis†. Whether or not a particular pronouncement or precedent by a judge sitting in court when deciding a case does become binding on later judges depends on two main factors: Firstly, he has to determine what pronouncements from earlier decisions are binding and; Secondly, the judge must be able to determine whether any is relevant†. Details of common law/ case law and legislation and statutory laws can be viewed at UL Law Online website which can be viewed at . The later judge should be able to say that the case before the court is "distinguishable" from the earlier case. The applic able legislation or statutory law which is applied to derive in the decision of this case is the Employment Rights Act of 1996, particularly Section 230. The law provides a clear-cut definition of employee and contract of employment in order to justify its pronouncement that Mr. Tanton is a self-employed contractor. 7. The rationale behind the request of Mr. Tanton to demand from Express and Echo Publications Ltd. to give a written statement of particulars is to set out in written terms the terms of his employment, which defines his job

Self Compacting Concrete Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Self Compacting Concrete - Essay Example It was first developed in Japan in 1988 as a result of research on durability of concrete structures. Since then, research on SCC has progressed to a large extent, leading to its increased applicability in the construction industry. ‘Necessity is the mother of invention’, goes the adage. Such is the story of Self-Compacting Concrete, whose invention materialized out of an urgent need. Increasing the durability of concrete structures was Japan’s major concern in the 1980s (Okamura & Ouchi, 2003). Compaction of concrete has to be performed by skilled workers to ensure durability of the concrete structures, but Japan faced a severe shortage of skilled workers in its construction industry. Therefore, the development of self-compacting concrete that could fill every space of the formwork by virtue of its own weight without the need of mechanical vibration seemed a very promising alternative. This would also eliminate noise sensitivity, white finger syndrome and other environmental and biological inconveniences that resulted from the vibrations on site (De Schutter, 2007). The concept of SCC was first proposed in 1986 by Okamura, and Ozawa & Maekawa carried out fundamental studies on SCC at the Un iversity of Tokyo (Okamura & Ouchi). The first prototype of SCC was created in 1988 using material that already existed on the market and this prototype showed satisfactory performance in drying and hardening shrinkage, density after hardening, and heat of hydration (Okamura & Ouchi, 2003). This concrete was termed ‘high-performance concrete’, which was later changed to ‘self-compacting high performance concrete’ due to the existence of durable concretes that used the same term for reference. The newly developed SCC was self-compactable (at the fresh stage), avoided initial defects (at the early age), and protected from external factors (after the hardening) (Okamura & Ouchi). After the creation of the first prototype, major contractors developed

Writer's choice Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Writer's choice - Research Paper Example Ibsen’s knowledge of humanity is nowhere more obvious than in his portrayal of women. He amazes one by his painful introspection; he seems to know them better than they know themselves. Indeed, if one may say so of an eminently virile man, there is a curious admixture of the woman in his nature (Jacobus 131). As the play commences Nora is projected as a typically naive, openhearted woman basking in her husband’s love and affection where she continuously gives in to her husband’s views and opinions and curbs the desire to voice her own. As it is apparent from their mild argument over spending and loans when Torvald says, â€Å"A home that depends on loans and debts is not beautiful because it is not free† Nora finally acquiesces and says, â€Å"Everything as you wish, Torvald† (Act 1). The docility with which Nora accepts her husband’s point of view initially projects her to be a victim of a woman living a voiceless life. From a structural point of view Nora’s character develops over the course of the play as it is apparent from her first conversation with Mrs. Linde that initially she is projected to be childlike in her understanding of the world. Over the course of the play her character will develop in terms of education, maturation, and the shedding of her supposed naivetà ©. While Nora clings to the romantic notions about love and marriage, Mrs. Linde has a more realistic understanding of marriage, gained from her experience of being left with â€Å"not even an ounce of grief† (Act 1) after her husband’s death. Nora’s incredulity at Mrs. Linde’s remark indicates that Nora has live a sheltered life first under the protection of her father and then her husband. Feminist strains of independence begin to emerge towards the end of Act 1 as Nora’s character begins to unravel for the readers. Her rebellion of eating macaroons against her husband’s wish is

Research project Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Research project - Essay Example does not cure AIDS or eliminate the virus from the body. Higher rates of success have been achieved with a cocktail of a variety of medications, including both protease inhibitors and reverse transcriptase inhibitors. "Efavirenz (Sustiva), another type of reverse transcriptase inhibitor, must be taken with protease inhibitors or older AIDS medicines. Opportunistic infections are treated with various antibiotics and antivirals, and patients with malignancies may undergo chemotherapy. These measures may prolong life or improve the quality of life, but drugs for AIDS treatment may also produce painful or debilitating side effects." (Muir, 1991) Protease inhibitors, first approved in 1995, were designed for use in combination with reverse transcriptase inhibitors. The AIDS cocktail or triple-combination therapy, consists of a protease inhibitor and two reverse transcriptase inhibitors such as AZT and 3TC. Protease inhibitors work by disrupting the HIV replication cycle. "Protease is another enzyme that is essential in the replication of HIV, but rather than acting on the process of genetic transcription, protease is necessary for breaking down viral proteins into the proper components for the maturation of new virus particles." In the absence of protease, the formation of viral proteins is incomplete, slowing the process of the virus. When taken together, the actions of reverse transcriptase inhibitors work in the early stages of the syndrome, while protease inhibitors interrupt processes in the final stages of maturation of new virus particles. (Henkel, 1999) Clinical trials have demonstrated the effectiveness of this combination therapy and resulted in an advancement in the... Elwood, William N., ed. Power in the Blood: A Handbook on AIDS, Politics, and Communication. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1999. Questia. 9 Mar. 2007 . Mitchell, Christopher G., and Nathan L. Linsk. "A Multidimensional Conceptual Framework for Understanding HIV/AIDS as a Chronic Long-Term Illness." Social Work 49.3 (2004): 469+. Questia. 8 Mar. 2007 .

The Acquisition of Tense by Arabic Learners of English Language Thesis Proposal

The Acquisition of Tense by Arabic Learners of English Language - Thesis Proposal Example This proposal was motivated by an interest in the subject as well as the knowledge that the results of the study are potentially productive and could provide necessary knowledge in the area of linguistic science. This subject is a problem of significance for the students it affects and the knowledge to be gained from this study stands to benefit more than the population of peoples with Arabic as a first language. It is my hope that the findings of this study will also be used to assist other L2 students, and perhaps enrich their relationship with a second language. Among the problems faced by English students with Arabic as their first language is the acquisition of tenses. The morphemes of the English language differ greatly from those of Arabic, and the irregularities of tenses must be memorized, making the acquisition of tenses one of the most difficult parts of the learning process. As stated by Johanne Paradis, this situation â€Å"†¦is a vulnerable domain for English lang uage learners across acquisition contexts†¦Ã¢â‚¬  Since one of two allomorphs pertaining to the past tense is possible, either [td] or [t or d], the English past tense exhibits a quasi-regularity. These combined attributes create difficulties for the would-be English learner. To appreciate the hardship of the L2 student, data will be collected from thirty students at three consecutive levels of ability. Two approaches will be taken while analyzing the data in an attempt to prove two hypotheses.... Since one of two allomorphs pertaining to the past tense is possible, either [td] or [t or d], the English past tense exhibits a quasi-regularity (McClelland). These combined attributes create difficulties for the would-be English learner. To appreciate the hardship of the L2 student, data will be collected from thirty students at three consecutive levels of ability. Two approaches will be taken while analyzing the data in an attempt to prove two hypotheses. Problem Statement: Learning difficulties arising for L2 students can affect certain aspects of their lives. In the case of foreign students, attempts to integrate into a new country can be inhibited by linguistic difficulties. "knowing a language involves mastering an intricate system full of surprising regularities and idiosyncrasies." (Sag and Wasow, 2001) For people attempting to learn English as a second language, it can be embarrassing and often debilitating to incorrectly express tenses. In the workplace, people with English as a second language are often misjudged as unintelligent. Added to the difficulties most adults have with the correct acquisition of phonological sounds, (Escudero, 2005) the learning of English for Arabic speakers is quite a challenge. The confusion of past tenses was one of the major errors in tenses reported in a study of Arab learners of English at the University of Sudan (Kambal, 1980). Therefore, a study concerning the acquisition of English tenses by Arabic students can assist students with similar problems by determining the most effective solution. Hypotheses: There are two hypotheses which will be used to attempt an explanation of the difficulties that

Latin American Religions Essay Example for Free

Latin American Religions Essay What are some major attributes of Latin American Catholicism? Identify and describe at least two distinctions and include how they are distinct from Catholicism elsewhere. The Central American War had changed the priorities of the Catholic Church in Latin America. In the 1980’s, the clergy’s had decided to go against the Catholic Church mainly the Vatican despite the various threats, and began to help the poor which were struggling for their equality and their rights. The Catholic activism was in support of the change; however, it did influence guerilla movements in certain parts of Latin America such as Nicaragua, Salvador, Guatemala. This had introduced moral and spiritual justification. â€Å"Throughout Latin America and the Caribbean, a wing of the church surfaced as a powerful ideological force in the struggle to end authoritarian regimes,† (Meade, T., 2010). In what ways have African religions influenced Latin American Catholicism? â€Å"Latinos are comprised of a great conglomeration of ethnicities, traditions, and customs, which are traditionally, expressed by a common language (Spanish) and religion (Catholocism). For instance, Latin American values and traditions received a great influence from Catholicism and indigenous beliefs. Similarly, African traditions also permeated the Latin American culture, especially in the Caribbean region. This unique syncretism between Catholicism, and indigenous and African traditions allowed the survival of folk traditions, which led to the creation of several healing approaches,† (www.egochicagoschools.com, 2012). Should Latin American Catholicism be considered polytheistic? Why or why not? There are various polytheistic religions that are practiced today. Many of the religions today outside of Catholicism believe in more than one God. However, the Catholics believe in one God and one God only. I do think the Catholicism needs to be consistent meaning the Catholicism that is being practices within Latin American needs to be the same everywhere else. Once others start to deviate from Catholicism then it begins to start a new religion and moves away from the beliefs of the Catholicism. Only the Vatican may assess and make changes within the Catholic Religions. How have churches fostered or hindered social changes in Latin America? After the civil war, Latin Americans had turned to other religions. For over 500 years, many Latin Americans were considered loyal to the Catholic religions. However, it quickly turned to be a stronghold to Protestants. In the Liberation area other religions had developed such as Evangelical and Pentecostal. These religions are very different from the Catholicism. These religions speak in tongue, rely on baptism, accept the Holy Spirit, and emotional rituals. With these new religions developing the social changes in Latin America does provide a much broader outlook on their beliefs. There are various groups or community gatherings within the particular religion. Each religion unites and brings together their faith and social aspects within their own community. How has Protestantism spread in Latin America in the past? Is it different than the factors that are promoting the current growth in Protestantism in this region? How and why? The Protestantism had spread in Latin America in the past due to the fact of various discrepancies within the Catholic Religion. For instance, in 1980’s, the Guatemalan’s had begun to change their beliefs and lean more to the Protestants. This was proven in 2005, when a massive amount of members of the Catholic Church had begun to leave the church as rapid growth. The new leading religion was the Pentecostal church. Many of the new religions were still created by using the Catholic religion as their foundation. Reference: A History of Modern Latin America. 1800 to the Present, Meade, T., 2010 http://ego.thechicagoschool.edu/s/843/index.aspx?sid=843gid=3pgid=760

History of the Concept of Hegemony and Power

History of the Concept of Hegemony and Power The concept of hegemony is notoriously difficult to quantify both in concrete political terms and in a less tangible philosophical manner. Moreover, in a world increasingly divided upon religious as opposed to ideological lines, the concept of hegemony has suffered from a certain crisis of relevance whereby it would seem that the preponderance of resources has indeed become the central precept for the paradigm per se; whereby, furthermore, economic and cultural imperialism have united to ensure the dominance of one geo political system within the international order in the vacuum created by the dissolution of ideology and the triumph of multi national capitalism. Yet all is not quite as it seems in the modern international sphere. Current events have a distinctly repetitive feel but, at the same time, the international relations landscape is changing and re configuring its boundaries with such rapidity and vigour that definitions and sweeping statements are deemed, correctly, to be o ut of place concerning any particular sphere of international relations. Certainly, the broader subject of hegemony and inter state communication is of utmost importance in the comprehension of the new world order, though keeping track of new theories is an essentially difficult, contradictory experience, particularly at the dawn of the twenty first century. As Benno Teschke (2003:1) explains in the opening chapter of his book, The Myth of 1648, the entire subject of contemporary international relations theory is in a constant state of flux, inspired by the death of the nation state and the advent of post modernity. â€Å"The classical Westphalian system, rooted in the primacy of the modern, territorially bounded sovereign state, is being replaced by a post territorial, post modern global order. The old logic of geopolitical security is being subordinated to geo economics, multi level global governance, or the demands of a multi actor international civil society. A fundamental transformation in the structure of the international system and its rules of conflict and co operation is unfolding before our eyes.† For the purposes of the essay, it will be necessary to analyse the concept of hegemony from its origins to see how it has evolved over time and where its relevance might lie within todays post structuralist society, taking a chronological view so as to see how its conceptual meaning has altered along the way. It will likewise be necessary to examine international economic realities and histories as well as political instances of hegemony to highlight the essential duality between continuity and change – in other words, how the past might help us to better understand the present and the future, yet also how the current world order presents unique problems that were of no relevance in the past, which necessarily makes an overall academic judgement more problematic. First a definition of hegemony must be attempted. Within the context of this essay, it is extremely important to comprehend the inherently different strands of hegemony: political, military, economic and cultural. Even more noteworthy is the general interchange that is apparent between the above factors – politics merges with economics and military helps to define any given national culture, which, in turn, means that hegemony is very difficult to quantify in the essentially narrow conceptual terms of simply a preponderance of resources. It will be shown that, throughout recorded history, nations and states have used a combination of factors to control other states, all designed to increase the security of the region and underwrite the strength of the dominant geo political power. Each nation and state that has enjoyed a period of relative dominance has chosen, either through external circumstances that have been thrust upon the rulers or via a conscious, calculated ideologica l choice, to use one of the above themes of hegemony to perpetuate its power base. When a group of people takes control over the fate of another it is never via only one of the above strands – political, military, economic or cultural. Rather, there always exists a concoction of more than one of the dominant conceptual themes to achieve the sum of hegemony and though much has changed throughout the course of history, this central precept remains difficult to ignore. The key player in any discussion pertaining to hegemony and the preponderance of resources has to be the state. Certainly, as far as G. John Ikenberry (1986:53) is concerned, the interaction between any given domestic and international political economy has always been at the epicentre of international relations theory and the comprehension of the rule of empire and state elites lies in understanding the ultimate power that the state has always possessed. â€Å"As administrative and coercive organisations, states are embedded in complex political and economic environments and have a monopoly on the legitimate use of violence. Although they vary considerably, they have several elements in common. All states make exclusive claims to the coercive and juridical control of particular territories, and they also make special claims to the definition and representation of broad national interests.† In conceptual terms, hegemony is best understood as the expression of societys ruling classes over the majority of the nation or state over whom they propose to rule. Gramsci (1971:328), the interwar international relations academic and political prisoner who spent his final years behind bars in Mussolinis Italy, describes hegemony as, â€Å"a conception of the world that is implicitly manifest in art, in law, in economic activity and in all manifestations of individual and collective life.† Gramsci here describes cultural hegemony, which was of particular relevance when he was writing in the 1930s, in a world that was dominated by ideological concerns. This type of hegemony and cultural control is a constant political reality that has been a feature of culture and society since the first recorded migrations of man. Never has hegemony as an ideal simply been confined to the realms of natural resources and economic might; it has always been an intangible equation of political power expressed through the elite of any particular nation, state or empire. The much celebrated Athenians, for example, made hegemony an everyday feature of the ancient world, whereby people were defined via their status within the broader Greek political and cultural hierarchy. The Greeks underscored their cultural ideal of hegemony with language and politics, especially the concept of citizenship, which remains a key feature in the study of political and cultural hegemony today. The United States today uses its visa system, for example, to differentiate between alien visitors from within the wider plates of the hegemony that it has created. In the ancient world, Plato and Aristotle grouped the various bands of hegemony together to form what they saw as civilisation. Therefore, to be an Athenian Greek was to be a civilised member of the hegemony of the nascent nation state; to be a barbarian was to be an uncivilised member of the outposts of society, the parts where hegemony had hitherto failed to penetrate as a paradigm and as a cultural and economic force. This phenomenon has since been mirrored in the twenty first century with President Bushs with us or against us stance to global terrorism, where hegemony is once again used as the primary force in the perpetuation of the dominant military, political and economic power of the epoch. Ancient cultures used the acquisition of foreign resources to underline their superior military and cultural power, although it should be noted that the technology and logistics did not then exist to ensure the movement of goods and services across inter state borders so that the preponderance of resources could not become the only outlet of hegemony as a concept. The Middle East trade route, for instance, remained a largely autonomous cultural, political and economic region in spite of the combined power of the Greek and Roman Empires, curtailing efforts at building an Empire from the sole premise of a sound economic base. Therefore, in the ancient world, hegemony meant much more than a preponderance of resources. It implied tangible political and citizenry rights and access to a pre defined status quo that was welded by the elite members of the state and continually updated and re defined by the men and women who had access to power within the machinations of the state. Indeed, the central role of the human actors within the state system remain as relevant today as they were in the ancient world and to dismiss their relevance as secondary to the preponderance of resources would be to misinterpret the dynamics of inter state governance. Individual diplomats, ministers, parties and politics will always have a bearing on the future of both international relations as well as the concept of hegemony where economic resources are only one factor in a much larger pyramid of political and economic concerns. It thus becomes apparent that hegemony must co exist with the broader notion of empire, which is itself constructed upon the solid foundations of economic dynamism garnered through the procurement of resources. The notion of empire altered irrevocably during the dawn of modern history where industrialisation proved to be the catalyst for the significant, seismic shift in the view of hegemony as cultural, economic and political benchmark. The nineteenth century was indeed a watershed in terms of the re drawing of the conceptual parameters of hegemony. The Victorian era saw the traditional European empires of France, Belgium, Britain and Germany use their vast military and economic superiority to carve up the undeveloped world amongst each other with the procurement of raw materials and economic resources utilised as the main motivation for extra territorial action. Without doubt, it is at this juncture in world history that the preponderance of resources becomes the pre eminent factor in the power of hegemony and cultural imperialism. The Scramble for Africa, for instance, constituted a devouring of the worlds finest natural resources and raw materials; resources that were unavailable in Europe were discovered in seemingly endless abundance in Africa and the poor political and social infrastructure of the indigenous tribes meant that, militarily, it was a case of simply buying off the key local decision makers and men of influence to ensure European preponderance of locally based economic wealth. Furthermore, unlike the false promise of El Dorado that hampered the conquistadores in Latin America, the lure of previously unimaginable wealth in Africa was the determining factor behind the unprecedented and swift carving up of the African continent. The impulse for hegemony, in this instance, was therefore the possibility of individual accumulation of economic empire as well as the broader national acquisition of another nations indigenous wealth. Charles Tilly (1985:172) explains how the extraction of resources from local producers and traders in Africa was the most important development for the edification of European hegemony in the undeveloped world and for the structure of the contemporary world order today. â€Å"The quest inevitably involved them in establishing regular access to capitalists who could supply and arrange credit, and to imposing one form of regular taxation or another on the people and activities within their sphere of control.† Industrialisation was therefore the central difference between nineteenth century views of imperial hegemony and that which was witnessed in the ancient and medieval worlds. Resources became, for the first time, the main concern of empire builders. This period in world history is also important for what it implies about the motives of the European leaders and rulers who embarked upon their scramble for Africas resources. What is immediately noticeable when reading the primary sources of these explorers was the way in which they attempted to hide their true (economic) motive from view. The first British travellers to the dark continent promulgated the view that the Europeans were on a civilising mission to save the Africans from a life of pagan sin. Moreover, they said, their religious and missionary zeal would inevitably rub off on the political and economic mood of the continent so that, in effect, the Africans would wish to copy their European partners in order to better help thems elves in the long term; politically, economically and socially. To achieve this end, the Europeans thus tied the notion of political territorial acquisition to the preponderance of resources by controlling the mechanisms of the fledgling states as well as the production of raw materials and natural resources. The nineteenth century partition of the undeveloped world by the most powerful industrial states of the age thus left a legacy that is of the utmost relevance for the topic of hegemony in todays twenty first century society. As economic resources become increasingly scarce in the contemporary world, the major Western powers must find ways of securing the holding of resources while covering up the raw economic reasons for doing so. One can see, as Chomsky and Vidal attest, a certain similarity between the contemporary US symptom of national security and the war on terror and the Victorian ideal of a missionary zeal. Significantly, both propaganda spins fail to recognise that the preponderance of resources is the real reason why these states have found themselves fighting foreign wars and stationing troops so very far from their own national borders in the recent past. Of added significance was the fact that the Victorian experimentation with imperialism showed, for the first time, how a state might achieve supreme power with resources and capital based outside of the national territorial borders. Susan Strange (1988:2) sees this as the most important step in the development of true imperial hegemony in the West; the point where a modern nation has the ability to dictate key economic policy far beyond its own national, geo political borders. â€Å"The location of productive capacity is far less important than the location of the people who maker the decisions on what is to be produced, where and how, and who design, direct and manage to sell successfully on a world market.† At this point it makes sense to shift the focus of our investigation from a broader viewpoint of historical instances of hegemony to a dissection of the most important contemporary topic within the confines of the essay title. The key contemporary actor within the study, without a doubt, must be the United States, the source of the preponderance of twenty first century economic resources and the still the most potent post modern military force on the planet. As the eminent British historian, E.H. Carr (1992:292), writing on the eve of the Second World War, testified, hegemony is a by product of realism; an essentially Darwinist view of politics that suggests a discernibly detectable survival of the fittest in international affairs. The unassailable American hegemony of the post modern age is best understood within this wholly realist context. â€Å"To attempt to ignore power as a decisive factor in every political situation is purely utopian. It is scarcely less utopian to imagine an international order built on a coalition of states, each striving to defend and assert its own interests.† Since 1945 the USA has built its empire upon the twin pillars of the military and its insatiable consumer economy, even going so far as to re model the state to the tune of the desires of the political economy. The National Security Act (1947), for example, which oversaw the formation of the CIA, was the first in a long history of decrees and acts designed to ensure the longevity of the republican model and the destruction of all of its ideological enemies in the process. Gore Vidal (2004:95 96) explains the dynamic nature of American national security policy, post 1945, a policy that deemed aggression as the best form of political and economic defence. â€Å"When Japan surrendered, the United States was faced with a choice: either disarm, as we had done in the past and enjoy the prosperity that comes from releasing so much wealth and energy into the private sector, or maintain ourselves on a fully military basis, which would mean a tight control over our allies and such conquered provinces as West Germany, Italy and Japan.† It is important to understand that Washington wishes its control of the globe not to be limited to its dominance of world economic resources; rather, hegemony, as it is understood in 2005, is a varied political, economic and cultural phenomenon that wishes to export the very ethos of the United States as well as importing the wealth generated by the nations pre eminent economic position. To date, the United States has used language, technology and the military to acquire its vast array of economic resources and likewise uses its dynamic corporate ethic to underpin the strategies of the imperial national government. Therefore, to see the preponderance of resources as the only specific aim of American hegemony in the twenty first century is to miss the point entirely. As previously outlined, the American government understands the essential interplay between the various features of hegemony. Certainly, the USA has used economics as its basis for the extension of power witnessed since 1 945 but the ideology of the most awesome capitalist country on the planet has been held in place via the spread of its symbolic features to every corner of the globe (except, of course, for large swathes of the Middle East, which is a source of much of the antagonism between the two diametrically opposed sections of the new global economy). Various international relations commentators have noted the way in which imperial America uses brand names such as MacDonalds and Nike to increase the economic and cultural hegemony of the US Empire, leaving fast food restaurants and designer clothes chains as castles by proxy. As Chomsky (2003:13) succinctly puts it: â€Å"The goal of the imperial grand strategy is to prevent any challenge to the power, position and prestige of the United States.† Theories have abounded concerning the so called decline of American hegemony, largely circulating since the oil crisis in the 1970s, which first highlighted the fragility of the preponderance of key natural resources in the post modern world. Susan Strange disagrees fundamentally with international relations commentators such as Nye, who see Americas decline as an inevitable by product of the notion of both hegemony and Empire, essentially dictating that from Rome to Byzantium to Britain any attempt to secure global pre eminence must end in the destruction of that political and economic model. She argues that the USA is a unique case that shows no signs of the fragmentation that beset its historical precedents. Essentially, this means that US notions of hegemony are not solely tied to economic factors pertaining to the preponderance of resources; its survival and indeed growth rests upon the fact that the USA ideal of hegemony is far more flexible than many critics give it credit f or. As Cox (2005:21) underscores, the issue of American hegemony entails far more than a swelling of the national treasury at the expense of extra territorial economic resources. â€Å"One of the more obvious objections to the idea of a specific American empire is that, unlike the real empires in the past, the United States has not acquired, and does not seek to acquire the territory of others. This in turn has been allied to another obvious objection: that the United States has often championed the cause of political freedom in the world. How then can one talk of empire when one of the United States obvious impulses abroad has been to advance the cause of national democracy and self determination?† The issue of hegemony in contemporary times is further hampered by the ambiguity and uncertainty that surrounds the ultra contentious geo political and economic topic of globalisation. Not only have scholars found globalisation extremely difficult to define but it also poses unique problems of conceptual bracketing. It is supposedly an economic question (intrinsically tied to the preponderance of resources) yet in practice, globalisation appears to be little more than an extension of American political hegemony, namely the spread of democracy to every reach of the globe as the initial platform on which to launch a visionary global hegemony. Whereas the nineteenth century European empires formulated the concept of the preponderance of natural resources as the most vital step on the way to the establishment of their brand of hegemony, the Americans in the twenty first century have used technology, particularly their corporate dominance of new media and the Internet to strengthen their dominant position in the world economy. Globalisation therefore is tantamount to Westernisation, which is itself a direct descendent of Americanisation. According to Sinclair et al (2004:297), â€Å"world patterns of communication flow, both in density and direction, mirror the system of domination in the economic and political order,† and in this way it can be shown how US hegemony is built upon sterner raw materials than the mere preponderance of economic resources. Indeed, logic dictates that if the USAs global hegemony was only standing upon the prevalence of resources, then its position would be nothing like as contentious as it is in the broader world order, constituting the front line of the new global disorder, as Robert Harvey describes it. Indeed, Harvey (2003:455) already views the concept of global hegemony as outdated, requiring five separate but interconnecting strands of economic and politic pro action to keep the status quo alive in the future. â€Å"These then are the five great areas of change necessary to avoid a state of global political economic anarchy: the establishment of superpower policing to combat terrorism and to prevent conflicts breaking out all over the world, through an efficient system of regional alliances and deterrents, backed up by the threat of major superpower intervention; the widening and deepening of global democracy; the regulation of the global economy through co operation between the three economic super states of the next few decades – America, Europe and Japan – in co operation with regional groupings of the rest of the world; a gigantic government primed stimulus for demand and development in the three quarters of the developing world untouched by globalisation; and reform from within of the capitalist corporation.† Conclusion The analysis of hegemony and power bases throughout history shows that the prevalence of resources is but one factor in a multi faceted chain of command that requires a strong military and political infrastructure as well as a flourishing economic base to prevail. The upsurge in interest that the topic of hegemony has generated in recent years has been due to the power of the worlds one remaining superpower alone. Hegemony has become synonymous with Americas quest for global dominance and various commentators have cited the contemporary â€Å"war on terror† as nothing but a smokescreen for the increasing garnering of resources, particularly oil in the Middle East. Indeed, Vidal (2004:7) compares the â€Å"war on terror† to a â€Å"war on dandruff†; such is his confusion over what the notion actually means. There is no doubt that it is this perceived neo imperialism that is at the heart of the current negativity surrounding the concept of hegemony and its continued association with solely (Western) economic motives. However, it should be noted that a significant change in the global order is currently under way, one in which the Americans will have to broker what Strange (1988:17) refers to as a series of â€Å"New Deals† with autonomous international states in order to remain a leading economic force. The advent of China, in particular, as the twenty first centurys most potent consumer and industrial society will undoubtedly challenge the very ideal of American and Western hegemony and will necessarily require a re drafting of the USAs preponderance of resources. Hegemony must, in effect, adapt to a discernible duality and spirit of inter state co operation that the concept has not known in the past. The concept of hegemony therefore has value far beyond the preponderance of res ources as the evolving concept of globalisation is in the process of emphasising. As globalisation begins to take hold as an economic, cultural and political reality, the effects of hegemony will be felt in all areas of the world that wish to be part of the dissolution of the concept of the nation state and the embracement of a new political and economic world order. History of the Concept of Hegemony and Power History of the Concept of Hegemony and Power The concept of hegemony is notoriously difficult to quantify both in concrete political terms and in a less tangible philosophical manner. Moreover, in a world increasingly divided upon religious as opposed to ideological lines, the concept of hegemony has suffered from a certain crisis of relevance whereby it would seem that the preponderance of resources has indeed become the central precept for the paradigm per se; whereby, furthermore, economic and cultural imperialism have united to ensure the dominance of one geo political system within the international order in the vacuum created by the dissolution of ideology and the triumph of multi national capitalism. Yet all is not quite as it seems in the modern international sphere. Current events have a distinctly repetitive feel but, at the same time, the international relations landscape is changing and re configuring its boundaries with such rapidity and vigour that definitions and sweeping statements are deemed, correctly, to be o ut of place concerning any particular sphere of international relations. Certainly, the broader subject of hegemony and inter state communication is of utmost importance in the comprehension of the new world order, though keeping track of new theories is an essentially difficult, contradictory experience, particularly at the dawn of the twenty first century. As Benno Teschke (2003:1) explains in the opening chapter of his book, The Myth of 1648, the entire subject of contemporary international relations theory is in a constant state of flux, inspired by the death of the nation state and the advent of post modernity. â€Å"The classical Westphalian system, rooted in the primacy of the modern, territorially bounded sovereign state, is being replaced by a post territorial, post modern global order. The old logic of geopolitical security is being subordinated to geo economics, multi level global governance, or the demands of a multi actor international civil society. A fundamental transformation in the structure of the international system and its rules of conflict and co operation is unfolding before our eyes.† For the purposes of the essay, it will be necessary to analyse the concept of hegemony from its origins to see how it has evolved over time and where its relevance might lie within todays post structuralist society, taking a chronological view so as to see how its conceptual meaning has altered along the way. It will likewise be necessary to examine international economic realities and histories as well as political instances of hegemony to highlight the essential duality between continuity and change – in other words, how the past might help us to better understand the present and the future, yet also how the current world order presents unique problems that were of no relevance in the past, which necessarily makes an overall academic judgement more problematic. First a definition of hegemony must be attempted. Within the context of this essay, it is extremely important to comprehend the inherently different strands of hegemony: political, military, economic and cultural. Even more noteworthy is the general interchange that is apparent between the above factors – politics merges with economics and military helps to define any given national culture, which, in turn, means that hegemony is very difficult to quantify in the essentially narrow conceptual terms of simply a preponderance of resources. It will be shown that, throughout recorded history, nations and states have used a combination of factors to control other states, all designed to increase the security of the region and underwrite the strength of the dominant geo political power. Each nation and state that has enjoyed a period of relative dominance has chosen, either through external circumstances that have been thrust upon the rulers or via a conscious, calculated ideologica l choice, to use one of the above themes of hegemony to perpetuate its power base. When a group of people takes control over the fate of another it is never via only one of the above strands – political, military, economic or cultural. Rather, there always exists a concoction of more than one of the dominant conceptual themes to achieve the sum of hegemony and though much has changed throughout the course of history, this central precept remains difficult to ignore. The key player in any discussion pertaining to hegemony and the preponderance of resources has to be the state. Certainly, as far as G. John Ikenberry (1986:53) is concerned, the interaction between any given domestic and international political economy has always been at the epicentre of international relations theory and the comprehension of the rule of empire and state elites lies in understanding the ultimate power that the state has always possessed. â€Å"As administrative and coercive organisations, states are embedded in complex political and economic environments and have a monopoly on the legitimate use of violence. Although they vary considerably, they have several elements in common. All states make exclusive claims to the coercive and juridical control of particular territories, and they also make special claims to the definition and representation of broad national interests.† In conceptual terms, hegemony is best understood as the expression of societys ruling classes over the majority of the nation or state over whom they propose to rule. Gramsci (1971:328), the interwar international relations academic and political prisoner who spent his final years behind bars in Mussolinis Italy, describes hegemony as, â€Å"a conception of the world that is implicitly manifest in art, in law, in economic activity and in all manifestations of individual and collective life.† Gramsci here describes cultural hegemony, which was of particular relevance when he was writing in the 1930s, in a world that was dominated by ideological concerns. This type of hegemony and cultural control is a constant political reality that has been a feature of culture and society since the first recorded migrations of man. Never has hegemony as an ideal simply been confined to the realms of natural resources and economic might; it has always been an intangible equation of political power expressed through the elite of any particular nation, state or empire. The much celebrated Athenians, for example, made hegemony an everyday feature of the ancient world, whereby people were defined via their status within the broader Greek political and cultural hierarchy. The Greeks underscored their cultural ideal of hegemony with language and politics, especially the concept of citizenship, which remains a key feature in the study of political and cultural hegemony today. The United States today uses its visa system, for example, to differentiate between alien visitors from within the wider plates of the hegemony that it has created. In the ancient world, Plato and Aristotle grouped the various bands of hegemony together to form what they saw as civilisation. Therefore, to be an Athenian Greek was to be a civilised member of the hegemony of the nascent nation state; to be a barbarian was to be an uncivilised member of the outposts of society, the parts where hegemony had hitherto failed to penetrate as a paradigm and as a cultural and economic force. This phenomenon has since been mirrored in the twenty first century with President Bushs with us or against us stance to global terrorism, where hegemony is once again used as the primary force in the perpetuation of the dominant military, political and economic power of the epoch. Ancient cultures used the acquisition of foreign resources to underline their superior military and cultural power, although it should be noted that the technology and logistics did not then exist to ensure the movement of goods and services across inter state borders so that the preponderance of resources could not become the only outlet of hegemony as a concept. The Middle East trade route, for instance, remained a largely autonomous cultural, political and economic region in spite of the combined power of the Greek and Roman Empires, curtailing efforts at building an Empire from the sole premise of a sound economic base. Therefore, in the ancient world, hegemony meant much more than a preponderance of resources. It implied tangible political and citizenry rights and access to a pre defined status quo that was welded by the elite members of the state and continually updated and re defined by the men and women who had access to power within the machinations of the state. Indeed, the central role of the human actors within the state system remain as relevant today as they were in the ancient world and to dismiss their relevance as secondary to the preponderance of resources would be to misinterpret the dynamics of inter state governance. Individual diplomats, ministers, parties and politics will always have a bearing on the future of both international relations as well as the concept of hegemony where economic resources are only one factor in a much larger pyramid of political and economic concerns. It thus becomes apparent that hegemony must co exist with the broader notion of empire, which is itself constructed upon the solid foundations of economic dynamism garnered through the procurement of resources. The notion of empire altered irrevocably during the dawn of modern history where industrialisation proved to be the catalyst for the significant, seismic shift in the view of hegemony as cultural, economic and political benchmark. The nineteenth century was indeed a watershed in terms of the re drawing of the conceptual parameters of hegemony. The Victorian era saw the traditional European empires of France, Belgium, Britain and Germany use their vast military and economic superiority to carve up the undeveloped world amongst each other with the procurement of raw materials and economic resources utilised as the main motivation for extra territorial action. Without doubt, it is at this juncture in world history that the preponderance of resources becomes the pre eminent factor in the power of hegemony and cultural imperialism. The Scramble for Africa, for instance, constituted a devouring of the worlds finest natural resources and raw materials; resources that were unavailable in Europe were discovered in seemingly endless abundance in Africa and the poor political and social infrastructure of the indigenous tribes meant that, militarily, it was a case of simply buying off the key local decision makers and men of influence to ensure European preponderance of locally based economic wealth. Furthermore, unlike the false promise of El Dorado that hampered the conquistadores in Latin America, the lure of previously unimaginable wealth in Africa was the determining factor behind the unprecedented and swift carving up of the African continent. The impulse for hegemony, in this instance, was therefore the possibility of individual accumulation of economic empire as well as the broader national acquisition of another nations indigenous wealth. Charles Tilly (1985:172) explains how the extraction of resources from local producers and traders in Africa was the most important development for the edification of European hegemony in the undeveloped world and for the structure of the contemporary world order today. â€Å"The quest inevitably involved them in establishing regular access to capitalists who could supply and arrange credit, and to imposing one form of regular taxation or another on the people and activities within their sphere of control.† Industrialisation was therefore the central difference between nineteenth century views of imperial hegemony and that which was witnessed in the ancient and medieval worlds. Resources became, for the first time, the main concern of empire builders. This period in world history is also important for what it implies about the motives of the European leaders and rulers who embarked upon their scramble for Africas resources. What is immediately noticeable when reading the primary sources of these explorers was the way in which they attempted to hide their true (economic) motive from view. The first British travellers to the dark continent promulgated the view that the Europeans were on a civilising mission to save the Africans from a life of pagan sin. Moreover, they said, their religious and missionary zeal would inevitably rub off on the political and economic mood of the continent so that, in effect, the Africans would wish to copy their European partners in order to better help thems elves in the long term; politically, economically and socially. To achieve this end, the Europeans thus tied the notion of political territorial acquisition to the preponderance of resources by controlling the mechanisms of the fledgling states as well as the production of raw materials and natural resources. The nineteenth century partition of the undeveloped world by the most powerful industrial states of the age thus left a legacy that is of the utmost relevance for the topic of hegemony in todays twenty first century society. As economic resources become increasingly scarce in the contemporary world, the major Western powers must find ways of securing the holding of resources while covering up the raw economic reasons for doing so. One can see, as Chomsky and Vidal attest, a certain similarity between the contemporary US symptom of national security and the war on terror and the Victorian ideal of a missionary zeal. Significantly, both propaganda spins fail to recognise that the preponderance of resources is the real reason why these states have found themselves fighting foreign wars and stationing troops so very far from their own national borders in the recent past. Of added significance was the fact that the Victorian experimentation with imperialism showed, for the first time, how a state might achieve supreme power with resources and capital based outside of the national territorial borders. Susan Strange (1988:2) sees this as the most important step in the development of true imperial hegemony in the West; the point where a modern nation has the ability to dictate key economic policy far beyond its own national, geo political borders. â€Å"The location of productive capacity is far less important than the location of the people who maker the decisions on what is to be produced, where and how, and who design, direct and manage to sell successfully on a world market.† At this point it makes sense to shift the focus of our investigation from a broader viewpoint of historical instances of hegemony to a dissection of the most important contemporary topic within the confines of the essay title. The key contemporary actor within the study, without a doubt, must be the United States, the source of the preponderance of twenty first century economic resources and the still the most potent post modern military force on the planet. As the eminent British historian, E.H. Carr (1992:292), writing on the eve of the Second World War, testified, hegemony is a by product of realism; an essentially Darwinist view of politics that suggests a discernibly detectable survival of the fittest in international affairs. The unassailable American hegemony of the post modern age is best understood within this wholly realist context. â€Å"To attempt to ignore power as a decisive factor in every political situation is purely utopian. It is scarcely less utopian to imagine an international order built on a coalition of states, each striving to defend and assert its own interests.† Since 1945 the USA has built its empire upon the twin pillars of the military and its insatiable consumer economy, even going so far as to re model the state to the tune of the desires of the political economy. The National Security Act (1947), for example, which oversaw the formation of the CIA, was the first in a long history of decrees and acts designed to ensure the longevity of the republican model and the destruction of all of its ideological enemies in the process. Gore Vidal (2004:95 96) explains the dynamic nature of American national security policy, post 1945, a policy that deemed aggression as the best form of political and economic defence. â€Å"When Japan surrendered, the United States was faced with a choice: either disarm, as we had done in the past and enjoy the prosperity that comes from releasing so much wealth and energy into the private sector, or maintain ourselves on a fully military basis, which would mean a tight control over our allies and such conquered provinces as West Germany, Italy and Japan.† It is important to understand that Washington wishes its control of the globe not to be limited to its dominance of world economic resources; rather, hegemony, as it is understood in 2005, is a varied political, economic and cultural phenomenon that wishes to export the very ethos of the United States as well as importing the wealth generated by the nations pre eminent economic position. To date, the United States has used language, technology and the military to acquire its vast array of economic resources and likewise uses its dynamic corporate ethic to underpin the strategies of the imperial national government. Therefore, to see the preponderance of resources as the only specific aim of American hegemony in the twenty first century is to miss the point entirely. As previously outlined, the American government understands the essential interplay between the various features of hegemony. Certainly, the USA has used economics as its basis for the extension of power witnessed since 1 945 but the ideology of the most awesome capitalist country on the planet has been held in place via the spread of its symbolic features to every corner of the globe (except, of course, for large swathes of the Middle East, which is a source of much of the antagonism between the two diametrically opposed sections of the new global economy). Various international relations commentators have noted the way in which imperial America uses brand names such as MacDonalds and Nike to increase the economic and cultural hegemony of the US Empire, leaving fast food restaurants and designer clothes chains as castles by proxy. As Chomsky (2003:13) succinctly puts it: â€Å"The goal of the imperial grand strategy is to prevent any challenge to the power, position and prestige of the United States.† Theories have abounded concerning the so called decline of American hegemony, largely circulating since the oil crisis in the 1970s, which first highlighted the fragility of the preponderance of key natural resources in the post modern world. Susan Strange disagrees fundamentally with international relations commentators such as Nye, who see Americas decline as an inevitable by product of the notion of both hegemony and Empire, essentially dictating that from Rome to Byzantium to Britain any attempt to secure global pre eminence must end in the destruction of that political and economic model. She argues that the USA is a unique case that shows no signs of the fragmentation that beset its historical precedents. Essentially, this means that US notions of hegemony are not solely tied to economic factors pertaining to the preponderance of resources; its survival and indeed growth rests upon the fact that the USA ideal of hegemony is far more flexible than many critics give it credit f or. As Cox (2005:21) underscores, the issue of American hegemony entails far more than a swelling of the national treasury at the expense of extra territorial economic resources. â€Å"One of the more obvious objections to the idea of a specific American empire is that, unlike the real empires in the past, the United States has not acquired, and does not seek to acquire the territory of others. This in turn has been allied to another obvious objection: that the United States has often championed the cause of political freedom in the world. How then can one talk of empire when one of the United States obvious impulses abroad has been to advance the cause of national democracy and self determination?† The issue of hegemony in contemporary times is further hampered by the ambiguity and uncertainty that surrounds the ultra contentious geo political and economic topic of globalisation. Not only have scholars found globalisation extremely difficult to define but it also poses unique problems of conceptual bracketing. It is supposedly an economic question (intrinsically tied to the preponderance of resources) yet in practice, globalisation appears to be little more than an extension of American political hegemony, namely the spread of democracy to every reach of the globe as the initial platform on which to launch a visionary global hegemony. Whereas the nineteenth century European empires formulated the concept of the preponderance of natural resources as the most vital step on the way to the establishment of their brand of hegemony, the Americans in the twenty first century have used technology, particularly their corporate dominance of new media and the Internet to strengthen their dominant position in the world economy. Globalisation therefore is tantamount to Westernisation, which is itself a direct descendent of Americanisation. According to Sinclair et al (2004:297), â€Å"world patterns of communication flow, both in density and direction, mirror the system of domination in the economic and political order,† and in this way it can be shown how US hegemony is built upon sterner raw materials than the mere preponderance of economic resources. Indeed, logic dictates that if the USAs global hegemony was only standing upon the prevalence of resources, then its position would be nothing like as contentious as it is in the broader world order, constituting the front line of the new global disorder, as Robert Harvey describes it. Indeed, Harvey (2003:455) already views the concept of global hegemony as outdated, requiring five separate but interconnecting strands of economic and politic pro action to keep the status quo alive in the future. â€Å"These then are the five great areas of change necessary to avoid a state of global political economic anarchy: the establishment of superpower policing to combat terrorism and to prevent conflicts breaking out all over the world, through an efficient system of regional alliances and deterrents, backed up by the threat of major superpower intervention; the widening and deepening of global democracy; the regulation of the global economy through co operation between the three economic super states of the next few decades – America, Europe and Japan – in co operation with regional groupings of the rest of the world; a gigantic government primed stimulus for demand and development in the three quarters of the developing world untouched by globalisation; and reform from within of the capitalist corporation.† Conclusion The analysis of hegemony and power bases throughout history shows that the prevalence of resources is but one factor in a multi faceted chain of command that requires a strong military and political infrastructure as well as a flourishing economic base to prevail. The upsurge in interest that the topic of hegemony has generated in recent years has been due to the power of the worlds one remaining superpower alone. Hegemony has become synonymous with Americas quest for global dominance and various commentators have cited the contemporary â€Å"war on terror† as nothing but a smokescreen for the increasing garnering of resources, particularly oil in the Middle East. Indeed, Vidal (2004:7) compares the â€Å"war on terror† to a â€Å"war on dandruff†; such is his confusion over what the notion actually means. There is no doubt that it is this perceived neo imperialism that is at the heart of the current negativity surrounding the concept of hegemony and its continued association with solely (Western) economic motives. However, it should be noted that a significant change in the global order is currently under way, one in which the Americans will have to broker what Strange (1988:17) refers to as a series of â€Å"New Deals† with autonomous international states in order to remain a leading economic force. The advent of China, in particular, as the twenty first centurys most potent consumer and industrial society will undoubtedly challenge the very ideal of American and Western hegemony and will necessarily require a re drafting of the USAs preponderance of resources. Hegemony must, in effect, adapt to a discernible duality and spirit of inter state co operation that the concept has not known in the past. The concept of hegemony therefore has value far beyond the preponderance of res ources as the evolving concept of globalisation is in the process of emphasising. As globalisation begins to take hold as an economic, cultural and political reality, the effects of hegemony will be felt in all areas of the world that wish to be part of the dissolution of the concept of the nation state and the embracement of a new political and economic world order.